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Dracula

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This article is about the novel. For the character, see Count Dracula. For the ruler of Wallachia, see Vlad the Impaler. For other uses, see Dracula (disambiguation).

Dracula
Cover of the first edition
AuthorBram Stoker
LanguageEnglish
Genre
PublisherArchibald Constable and Company (UK)
Publication date
May 1897
Publication placeUnited Kingdom
Pages418
OCLC1447002
TextDracula at Wikisource

Dracula is a 1897 Gothic horror novel by Irish author Bram Stoker. The narrative is related through letters, diary entries, and newspaper articles. It has no single protagonist and opens with solicitor Jonathan Harker taking a business trip to stay at the castle of a Transylvanian nobleman, Count Dracula. Harker escapes the castle after discovering that Dracula is a vampire, and the Count moves to England and plagues the seaside town of Whitby. A small group, led by Abraham Van Helsing, hunts and kills him.

Dracula was mostly written in the 1890s. Stoker produced over a hundred pages of notes for the novel, drawing extensively from folklore and history. Some scholars have suggested that the character of Dracula was inspired by historical figures including the Wallachian prince Vlad the Impaler and the Countess Elizabeth Báthory, but recent scholarship suggests otherwise. He probably found the name Dracula in Whitby's public library while on holiday, selecting it because he thought it meant "devil" in Romanian.

Following its publication in May 1897, some reviewers praised the terrifying atmosphere while others thought Stoker included too much horror. Many noted its structural similarity to Wilkie Collins' The Woman in White (1859). In the 20th century, Dracula became regarded as a seminal work of Gothic fiction. Scholars explore the novel within the historical context of the Victorian era and discuss its portrayal of gender, sexuality, religion, and race.

Dracula is one of the most famous works of English literature. The book's characters have entered popular culture as archetypal versions of their characters: Count Dracula as the quintessential vampire, and Van Helsing as the most iconic vampire hunter. The novel, which is in the public domain, has been adapted for film over 30 times, and its characters have made numerous appearances in virtually all forms of media.

Plot

Jonathan Harker, a newly qualified English solicitor, visits Count Dracula at his castle in the Carpathian Mountains to help the Count purchase a house near London. Ignoring the Count's warning, Harker wanders the castle at night and encounters three vampire women; Dracula rescues Harker, and gives the women a small child bound inside a bag. Soon after Harker awakens, Dracula leaves the castle, abandoning him to the women. Harker escapes and ends up delirious in a Budapest hospital. Dracula takes a ship called the Demeter for England with boxes of earth from his castle. The captain's log narrates the crew's disappearance until he alone remains, bound to the helm to maintain course. An animal resembling a large dog is seen leaping ashore when the ship runs aground at Whitby.

Lucy Westenra's letter to her best friend, Harker's fiancée Mina Murray, describes her marriage proposals from Dr. John Seward, Quincey Morris, and Arthur Holmwood. Lucy accepts Holmwood's, but all remain friends. Mina joins Lucy on holiday in Whitby. Lucy begins to sleepwalk. After Dracula's ship lands in Whitby, he stalks Lucy. Mina receives a letter about her missing fiancé's illness, and goes to Budapest to nurse him. Lucy becomes very ill. Seward's old teacher, Professor Abraham Van Helsing, determines the nature of Lucy's condition, but refuses to disclose it. He diagnoses her with acute blood-loss. Van Helsing places garlic flowers around her room and makes her a necklace of them. Lucy's mother removes the garlic flowers, not knowing they repel vampires. While Seward and Van Helsing are absent, Lucy and her mother are terrified by a wolf and Mrs. Westenra dies of a heart attack; Lucy dies shortly thereafter. After her burial, newspapers report children being stalked in the night by a "bloofer lady" (beautiful lady), and Van Helsing deduces it is Lucy. Seward, Morris, Arthur and Van Helsing go to her tomb and see that she is a vampire. They stake her heart, behead her, and fill her mouth with garlic. Jonathan Harker and his now-wife Mina return and join the campaign against Dracula.

Everyone stays at Seward's asylum as the men begin to hunt Dracula. Van Helsing finally reveals that vampires can only rest on earth from their homeland. Dracula communicates with Seward's patient, Renfield, an insane man who eats vermin to absorb their life force. After Dracula learns of the group's plot against him, he uses Renfield to enter the asylum. He secretly attacks Mina three times, drinking her blood each time and forcing Mina to drink his blood on the final visit. She is cursed to become a vampire after her death unless Dracula is killed. As the men find Dracula's properties, they discover many earth boxes within. The vampire hunters open each of the boxes and seal wafers of sacramental bread inside them, rendering them useless to Dracula. The group fail to trap the Count in his Piccadilly house, and learn that Dracula is fleeing to his castle in Transylvania with his last box. Using hypnosis, Van Helsing exploits Mina's faint psychic connection to Dracula to track his movements and they pursue, guided by Mina.

In Galatz, Romania, the hunters split up. Van Helsing and Mina go to Dracula's castle, where the professor destroys the vampire women. Harker and Holmwood follow Dracula's boat on the river, while Morris and Seward parallel them on land. Dracula's box is loaded onto a wagon by Romani men; the hunters attack and rout the Romani. Harker decapitates Dracula as Quincey stabs him in the heart. Dracula crumbles to dust, freeing Mina from her vampiric curse. Quincey is mortally wounded in the fight against the Romani. He dies from his wounds, at peace with the knowledge that Mina is saved. A note by Jonathan Harker seven years later states that the Harkers have a son, named Quincey.

Background

Author

In a letter to American poet Walt Whitman, Bram Stoker described his own temperament as "secretive to the world", but he nonetheless led a relatively public life. Before Dracula was published, Stoker was already well-known in the theatrical world as the assistant manager of the Lyceum Theatre in London and personal assistant to the stage actor Henry Irving.[1][a] Stoker supplemented his income from the theatre by writing romance and sensation novels,[3][4][b] and had published 18 books by his death in 1912.[6] Dracula was Stoker's seventh published book, following The Shoulder of Shasta (1895) and preceding Miss Betty (1898).[7][c] Hall Caine, a close friend of Stoker's,[d] wrote an obituary for him in The Daily Telegraph, saying that—besides his biography on Irving—Stoker wrote only "to sell" and "had no higher aims".[10]

Inspiration

Drawing of Henry Irving on stage with right hand extended upright
Henry Irving is widely considered to have inspired Dracula

Folkloric vampires predate Stoker's Dracula by hundreds of years.[11] Stoker adopted some characteristics of folkloric vampires for his own, such as their aversion to garlic and staking as a means of killing them.[12] He invented some attributes—for example, Stoker's vampires must be invited into one's home, sleep on earth from their homeland and have no reflection in mirrors.[13] Sunlight is not fatal to Dracula in the novel—this was an invention of the unauthorised Dracula film, Nosferatu (1922)—but it does weaken him.[14][15] Some of Stoker's inventions applied unrelated lore to vampires for the first time; for example, Dracula has no reflection because of a folkloric concept that mirrors show the human soul.[15] Some Irish scholars have suggested Irish folklore as an inspiration for the novel,[16] for example the revenant Abhartach,[16] and the 11th-century High King of Ireland Brian Boru.[17][e] Dracula scholar Elizabeth Miller notes that in his childhood Stoker was exposed to supernatural tales and Irish oral history involving premature burials and staked bodies.[19]

Count Dracula has literary progenitors. John William Polidori's "The Vampyre" (1819) includes an aristocratic vampire with powers of seduction.[20] The lesbian vampire of Sheridan Le Fanu's Carmilla (1872) can transform into a cat, as Dracula can transform into a dog.[21] Dracula resembles earlier Gothic villains in appearance,[22] with Miller comparing him to the villains of Ann Radcliffe's The Italian (1796) and Matthew Gregory Lewis's The Monk (1796).[23]

There is almost unanimous consensus that Dracula was inspired, in part, by Henry Irving. Scholars note the Count's tall and lean physique and aquiline nose,[24] with Dracula scholar William Hughes specifically citing the influence of Irving's performance as Shylock in a Lyceum Theatre production of The Merchant of Venice.[25] Stoker's contemporaries remarked upon the similarity.[26] Stoker had praised a performance of Irving as "a wonderful impression of a dead man fictitiously alive [with eyes like] cinders of glowing red from out the marble face".[27] Louis S. Warren writes that Dracula was founded on "the fear and animosity his employer inspired in him".[28][f] Miller contests this, describing Stoker's attitude towards him as "adulation".[30]

Painted portrait of Vlad the Impaler
Recent scholarship suggests Stoker only borrowed Vlad Dracula's name as inspiration

Historical figures have been suggested as inspirations for Count Dracula but there is no consensus. In a 1972 book, Raymond T. McNally and Radu Florescu popularised the idea that Ármin Vámbéry supplied Stoker with information about Vlad Dracula, commonly known as Vlad the Impaler.[31][g] Their investigation, however, found nothing about "Vlad, Dracula, or vampires" within Vámbéry's published papers,[33] nor in Stoker's notes about their meeting.[32] Miller calls the link to Vlad III "tenuous", indicating that Stoker incorporated a large amount of "insignificant detail" from his research, and rhetorically asking why he would omit Vlad III's infamous cruelty.[34][h] McNally additionally suggested in 1983 that the crimes of Elizabeth Báthory inspired Stoker.[37][i] A book used by Stoker for research, The Book of Were-Wolves, does contain some information on Báthory, but Stoker never took notes from the short section devoted to her.[40] Miller and her co-author Robert Eighteen-Bisang concur that there is no evidence Báthory inspired Stoker.[41][j][k]

Textual history

The author's handwritten notes about the novel's characters
handwritten notes about the novel's characters

Composition

Prior to writing the novel, Stoker researched extensively, assembling over 100 pages of notes, including chapter summaries and plot outlines.[44][l] Stoker undertook some of his research at a library at Whitby in the summer of 1890 but most was done at the London Library.[46] The earliest dated notes are from 8 March 1890, comprising an outline of the novel's opening.[47] Joseph S. Beirman notes that it differs from the final novel "in only a few details", outlining an epistolary novel with a Count's castle set in Styria. The Count and Harker are not given names. The word vampire is not used explicitly, but it depicts the Count's possessive fury over Harper and a female who attempts "to kiss him not on lips but throat".[48][47] In February 1892, Stoker wrote a 27-chapter outline of the novel; according to Miller, "all the key pieces of the jigsaw were in place".[49]

Stoker stated that that it took him about three years to write the novel, and it is likely that he wrote most of the manuscript during his summer holidays in Cruden Bay, Scotland from 1893 to 1896.[50] Stoker generally wrote in spare time from his duties as Irving's business manager, and the long gestation of the novel is indicative of the importance he placed on it.[51][52]

Stoker's notes illuminate much about earlier iterations of the novel. According to Bierman, Stoker always intended to write an epistolary novel but originally set it in Styria instead of Transylvania.[48] The novel's vampire was always intended to be a Count, even before he was given the name Dracula.[53] Stoker took the name Dracula from William Wilkinson's history of Wallachia and Moldavia (1820),[18] which he probably found in Whitby's public library while holidaying there in 1890.[54] Stoker copied the following footnote from the book: "Dracula means devil. Wallachians were accustomed to give it as a surname to any person who rendered himself conspicuous by courage, cruel actions or cunning".[55]

Other concepts from Stoker's notes include a German professor called Max Windshoeffel confronting "Count Wampyr from Styria"; one of the vampire hunters would have been slain by a werewolf.[56][m] It might have been intended as a detective story, with a detective called Cotford and a psychical investigator called Singleton.[58]

Publication

Book cover of 1899 edition. It has the name and title of the novel on a yellow-orange cover, depicting Dracula's castle upon a hill
1899 first American edition, Doubleday & McClure, New York

Early Stoker biographer Barbara Belford noted the novel looked "shabby" because of a last-minute title change; the printer's copy of the typescript, with hand-written amendments, is titled The Un-Dead.[59] The surviving publishing agreement were signed and dated May 25, 1897; Miller suggests they were a formality.[60] To protect his copyright interest,[n] Stoker organised an informal reading of the novel in the week before publication in the Lyceum Theatre. It was attended by a small group, primarily theatre staff; Edith Craig played Mina.[62]

Bound in yellow cloth and titled in red letters, Dracula was published in May 1897 by Archibald Constable and Company. It cost 6 shillings.[63] Uncertainty exists around the exact date of publication, but it was probably published on May 26, 1897. Stoker wrote to William Gladstone that the novel would be released on the 26th.[64][o] Miller states it could have been published anywhere from late May to June 1897.[66]

Stoker's mother, Charlotte Stoker, enthused about the novel and predicted it would bring her son immense financial success. She was wrong: the novel, although reviewed well, failed to earn Stoker much money and did not establish his critical reputation until after his death.[67] For the first thousand sales of Dracula, Stoker earned no royalties.[4] Following serialisation by American newspapers, Doubleday & McClure published an American edition in 1899 with some textual changes.[68] A cheaper paperback version was published by Constable in 1901, but few copies have survived;[69] the text is around 15% shorter Since its publication, but it is not known if Stoker made the amendments.[70] Dracula has never been out of print.[71]

An edition of the novel published by Penguin in 1993 was the first to include Dracula's "missing chapter", "Dracula's Guest".[72] Bram's widow Florence Stoker included the chapter as a short story in Dracula's Guest and Other Weird Tales (1914), two years after his death.[73] According to Elizabeth Miller in the Dictionary of Literary Biography, there is a "widely held view" that the prose is "the excised first chapter of Dracula", which Miller contests.[74]

Style

Epistolary structure

Dracula is an epistolary novel.[75] Compared to other elements of the novel, critic David Seed writes that its epistolary structure has been neglected in analyses.[76] Critics highlight the structural context within the fashion of 19th-century diaries and travelogues,[77] especially Harker's journal of his visit to Dracula's castle.[78] Seed writes that Harker's initial four chapters function as a "miniaturised-pastiche-Gothic novel"—replacing Radcliffe's use of the Apennine Mountains in The Mysteries of Udolpho (1794) with the Carpathian Mountains of Transylvania[79]—and places this within the Gothic tradition of intertextuality.[80]

David Seed argues that the structure only provides a narrative voice to Dracula's opponents,[81] while Miller emphasises that the "collaborative narration" reinforces the idea that Dracula must be defeated by the combined effort of his victims.[77] Allison Case says Seed views that Dracula's absence generates tension by offering only "tantalizing glimpses" of his activities,[81] while Moretti writes that it highlights the power struggle between the vampire and his hunters.[82] Similarly, Allison Case views the structure as representing a power struggle between Mina and the male protagonists for "narrative mastery".[83] Seed notes that the narrative's style distances the reader from its plot. Dracula's journey on the Demeter is captured by the captain on the logbook, then "translated by the Russian consul, transcribed by a local journalist, and finally pasted by Mina into her journal".[84]

Gothic genre

Dracula is a quintessential work of Gothic literature,[85] with some critics locating it within the traditions of Irish Gothic or Urban Gothic.[86][87][88] John C. Tibbetts considers Dracula a prototype for later themes in the Gothic genre.[89] The novel is characteristically Gothic in its depiction of the supernatural, preoccupation with the past,[90] and embodying of the racial, gendered and sexual anxieties of fin de siècle England.[91] Count Dracula generally represents these tensions: cultural critic Jack Halberstam notes that he is masculinised and feminised;[92] Jerrold E. Hogle highlights his attraction to both Jonathan and Mina, and his appearance as racially western and eastern.[93] Miller notes that the Count's physical characteristics were typical of Gothic villains during Stoker's lifetime, specifically citing his hooked nose, pallor, large moustache and thick eyebrows as influenced by his villainous predecessors.[94] Dracula deviates from other Gothic tales before it by firmly establishing its time as the modern era,[95] a point made by contemporary reviewers.[96] Writers of the mode were drawn to the Eastern Europe setting because travelogues presented it as a land of primitive superstitions.[97]

Reception

Modern critics frequently write that Dracula had a mixed critical reception upon publication.[98] Carol Margaret Davison, for example, notes an "uneven" response from critics contemporary to Stoker.[63] John Edgar Browning, a scholar whose research focuses on Dracula and literary vampires, conducted a review of the novel's early criticism in 2012 and determined that Dracula had been "a critically acclaimed novel".[99][p] Raymond T. McNally and Radu Florescu's In Search of Dracula (1972) mentions the novel's "immediate success".[101][q] Other works about Dracula also published in 1972 concur; Gabriel Ronay says the novel was "recognised by fans and critics alike as a horror writer's stroke of genius",[102] and Anthony Masters mentions the novel's "enormous popular appeal".[103] Since the 1970s, Dracula has been the subject of significant academic interest; the novel has spawned many nonfiction books and articles, and has a dedicated peer-reviewed journal.[43] The novel's complexity has permitted a flexibility of interpretation, with Anca Andriescu Garcia describing interest from scholars of psychoanalysis, postcolonialism, social class and the Gothic genre.[104]

Reviewers frequently compared the novel to other Gothic writers. Comparisons to novelist Wilkie Collins and The Woman in White (1859) were especially common, owing to similarities in structure and style.[105][r] A review appearing in The Bookseller notes that the novel could almost have been written by Collins,[106] and an anonymous review in Saturday Review of Politics, Literature, Science and Art wrote that Dracula improved upon the style of Gothic pioneer Ann Radcliffe;[107] The Daily Mail also mentioned Radcliffe.[108] Another anonymous writer described Stoker as "the Edgar Allan Poe of the nineties".[109] Other favourable comparisons to other Gothic novelists included the Brontë sisters and Mary Shelley.[110][63] Arthur Conan Doyle sent a letter to Stoker after reading Dracula, writing: "The old Professor is most excellent and so are the two girls. I congratulate you with all my heart for having written so fine a book."[111]

Many of these early reviews were charmed by Stoker's treatment of the vampire myth. The Daily Telegraph called it the best vampire story ever written. The Daily Telegraph's reviewer noted that while earlier Gothic works, like The Castle of Otranto, had kept the supernatural far away from the novelists' home countries, Dracula's horrors occurred in foreign lands and at home in Whitby and Hampstead Heath.[96] An Australian paper, The Advertiser, regarded the novel as simultaneously sensational and domestic.[112] One reviewer praised the "considerable power" of Stoker's prose and describing it as impressionistic. They were less fond of the parts set in England, finding the vampire suited better to tales set far away from home.[113] The British magazine Vanity Fair found Dracula's disdain for garlic unintentionally funny.[114]

Dracula was considered frightening. A review appearing in The Manchester Guardian in 1897 praised its capacity to entertain, but concluded that Stoker erred in including so much horror.[115] Likewise, Vanity Fair opined that the novel was "praiseworthy" and absorbing, but could not recommend it to those who were not "strong".[114] Stoker's prose was commended as effective in sustaining the novel's horror by many publications.[116] A reviewer for the San Francisco Wave called the novel a "literary failure"; they elaborated that coupling vampires with frightening imagery, such as insane asylums and "unnatural appetites", made the horror too overt, and that other works in the genre, such as The Strange Case of Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde, had more restraint.[117]

Context and interpretation

Sexuality and gender

Sexuality and seduction are two of the novel's most frequently discussed themes,[118][119][120] and modern critical writings about vampirism widely acknowledge its link to sex and sexuality.[121][122] Across the novel's critical history, Miller writes that theorists have collectively argued that the Count breaks virtually "every Victorian taboo", including non-procreative sex (including fellatio), transgressive sexuality, homosexuality and bisexuality.[123]

Transgressive or abnormal sexuality within Dracula is a broad topic. Some psychosexual critics focus on the disruption of Victorian gender roles; within the Victorian context, Christopher Craft writes males had "the right and responsibility of vigorous appetite" while women were required to "suffer and be still".[124] Critics highlight the many places in which the novel disrupts these social mores: Jonathan Harker's excitement over the prospect of being penetrated;[125] Dracula's resulting anger and jealousy;[126] and Lucy's transformation into a sexually aggressive predator who drains "vital fluid".[127] Some critics, including professor Carol Senf, argue that the novel reflects anxiety about female sexual awakening as a threat to established norms.[128][129]

Dracula contains no overt homosexual acts, but homosexuality or homoeroticism is a theme discussed by critics.[130] Christopher Craft argues that the primary threat Dracula poses is that he will "seduce, penetrate, [and] drain another male",[131] and reads Harker's excitement to submit as a proxy for "an implicitly homoerotic desire".[131] Some critics note that changes made to the 1899 American version of the text reinforce this subtext, wherein Dracula states he will feed on Harker.[132][133] Critics have variously linked these themes to homoerotic letters Stoker wrote to Walt Whitman, his friendship with Oscar Wilde,[134][s] his intensely emotional relationship with Irving, and contemporary rumours of Stoker's almost sexless marriage.[134][136][137] David J. Skal acknowledged the letters' subtext but cautioned against applying anachronistic modern sexual labels to Stoker.[138]

Many critics have suggested that the novel reveals a "reactionary response" to the New Woman phenomenon.[83] This is a late-Victorian term used to describe an emerging class of women with increased social and economic control over their lives.[139][140][141] Several critics describe the battle against Dracula as a fight for control over women's bodies.[142][119] Senf suggests that Stoker was ambivalent about the New Woman phenomenon,[143] while Signorroti argues that the novel's discomfort with female sexual autonomy refects Stoker's dislike for the movement.[140] Both Lucy and Mina have characteristics associated with the New Woman;[144][t] Mina, who plays an important role in Dracula's defeat, repeatedly expresses contempt for the concept.[146][143] Senf notes that Lucy is punished for expressing dissatisfaction with her social position as a woman, destroying the vampire while "reestablishing male supremacy".[147]

Race

Dracula, and specifically the Count's migration to Victorian England, is frequently read as emblematic of invasion literature,[148] and a projection of fears about racial pollution.[149] Stephen Arata describes the novel's cultural context of mounting anxiety in Britain over the decline of the British Empire, the rise of other world powers, and a "growing domestic unease" over the morality of imperial colonisation.[150] Arata regards the novel as an instance of "reverse colonisation": fear of other races invading England and weakening its racial purity.[151] Patricia McKee writes that Dracula represents a negation of white culture while Mina Harper represents "pure whiteness".[152] Dracula can be said to both kill white bodies and turn them into the racial Other in death.[153] Some critics connect the racialisation of Dracula to his depiction as a degenerate criminal.[154][155]

Critics frequently identify antisemitic themes and imagery in the novel. Between 1891 and 1900, the number of Jews living in England increased sixfold, mainly due to antisemitic legislation and pogroms in eastern Europe.[156] Examples cited by Jack Halberstam of antisemitic connections include Dracula's appearance, wealth, parasitic bloodlust, and "lack of allegiance" to one country.[157][u] Dracula's appearance resembles some other cultural depictions of Jews, such as Fagin in Charles Dickens's Oliver Twist (1838), and Svengali of George du Maurier's Trilby (1895).[159] Jewish people were frequently described as parasites in Victorian literature; Halberstam highlights fears that Jews would spread diseases of the blood, and one journalist's description of Jews as "Yiddish bloodsuckers".[160] Daniel Renshaw writes that Dracula is not himself Jewish and that the novel represents a general suspicion of all foreigners. He argues that any antisemitism is "semi-subliminal" and mainly reflects the 19th-century antisemitic conception of Jewish people.[161]

The novel's depiction of Slovaks and Romani people has attracted limited scholarly attention.[162] In the novel, Harker describes the Slovaks as "barbarians" and their boats as "primitive", reflecting his imperialistic condescension towards other cultures.[163] Peter Arnds writes that the Count's control over the Romani and his abduction of young children evoke folk superstitions about Romani people stealing children, and that his ability to transform into a wolf is related to xenophobic beliefs about the Romani as animalistic.[164] Croley argues that Dracula's association with the Romani made him suspect in the eyes of Victorian England, where they were stigmatised owing to beliefs that they ate "unclean meat" and lived among animals.[165]

Religion, superstition and science

Dracula is saturated with religious imagery. Christopher Herbert regards the novel as a parable about conflict with an enemy who opposes Christ and Christianity.[166] Scholars discuss the novel's depiction of religion in relation to late Victorian anxieties about the threat which secularism, scientific rationalism and the occult posed to Christian beliefs and morality.[167] Stoker himself had a lifelong interest in supernatural inquiry,[168] and Herbert writes that he mixes the supernatural and superstitious beliefs with religious elements, resulting in metaphors about moral uncleanness becoming literal elements of the text's "occult reality".[169] Herbert notes that the blood of Christ is important to Christian ritual and imagery,[170] and Richard Noll notes that actual consumption of human blood is one of the oldest Judeo-Christian taboos.[171]

The vampire hunters use many weapons—including Christian practices and symbols (prayer, crucifixes and consecrated hosts), folkloric practices (garlic, staking and decapitation) and contemporary technology (typewriters, phonographs, telegrams, blood transfusions and Winchester rifles)—in their battle against Dracula.[172][173][174] Sanders argues that Stoker presents Christianity as a religion that can be instrumentalised and incorporated into scientific knowledge.[175] Herbert describes Van Helsing's "Christian purification" of Lucy as punitively addressing her promiscuity, and the resulting framing of Christianity as a means towards the "eradication of deviancy".[176]

Political and economic

Critics discuss the novel in relation to British imperialism and Irish nationalism. Considerable debate exists over whether Dracula is an Irish novel. While Dracula is largely set in England, Stoker was born in British-ruled Ireland and lived there for the first 30 years of his life.[177][178] The author was from a Protestant family but he was distanced from its more conservative factions.[179]

Ralph Ingelbien notes that "recognizably nationalist" critics like Terry Eagleton and Seamus Deane favoured readings of Dracula as "a bloodthirsty caricature of the aristocratic landlord" where the vampire represents the death of feudalism.[180] Bruce Stewart changes the focus to the lower classes,[180] suggesting Dracula and his Romani followers more likely represented violence by Irish National Land League activists.[181] Michael Valdez Moses compares Dracula to the disgraced Charles Stewart Parnell, leader of the Irish Home Rule movement.[179][182] Robert Smart argues that Stoker's experience during the Great Famine (1845–1852) influenced the novel,[183] with Stewart also noting this as historical context.[177]

Many critics observe Count Dracula's noble title and status as an aristocrat. Franco Moretti writes that he is an aristocrat "only in a manner of speaking", citing his lack of servants, simple clothing, and lack of aristocratic hobbies. Moretti suggests that the Dracula's blood thirst represents capital's desire to accumulate more capital.[184] More generally, Moretti argues the novel evinces cultural anxiety about foreign capitalist monopolies functioning as a return of feudalism.[185] Chris Baldick maintains this line of analysis, describing Dracula as an undead symbol of feudalism but concluding that the novel is more concerned with "sexual and religious terrors".[186] Mark Neocleous writes that Dracula symbolises the victory of the bourgeoisie over feudalism.[187] In Das Kapital, Karl Marx compares the bourgeoisie's exploitation of workers to a vampire draining blood.[188] He uses vampires as a metaphor three times in Das Kapital, but these predate the writing of Dracula.[189]

Disease

Some scholars contend that the novel's depiction of vampirism symbolises Victorian anxieties about disease. Vampirism could be said to symbolise both an initial infection and the resulting illness.[190] The novel characterises vampirism with terms from social degeneration theory,[191] Victorian psychiatry ("alienism"),[192] and anthropology.[193] Social degeneration relates to some Victorian-era beliefs about poor moral character being transmissible.[191] Sexually transmitted infection, particularly syphilis, is a frequent topic. Stoker's grand-nephew provides evidence that Stoker died from syphilis,[v] suggesting that the infection's slow progress meant Stoker could have contracted it while writing the novel.[196] Brian Aldiss writes that Count Dracula represents the initial disease while Renfield's madness is a symptom of advanced infection.[197] Stoker uses an asylum as a setting,[192] and includes a patient, a psychiatrist and another doctor as characters.[192][193]

Legacy

Adaptations

Further information: Count Dracula in popular culture
Man with dark hair, pale skin and wide eyes
Bela Lugosi as Dracula in a 1931 adaptation

Dracula has been adapted a large number of times across virtually all forms of media. John Edgar Browning and Caroline Joan S. Picart write that the novel and its characters have been adapted for film, television, video games and animation over 700 times, with nearly 1000 additional appearances in comic books and on the stage.[198] Roberto Fernández Retamar deemed Count Dracula—along with characters such as Frankenstein's monster, Mickey Mouse and Superman—to be a part of the "hegemonic Anglo-Saxon world['s] cinematic fodder".[199] Across the world, completed new adaptations can be produced as often as every week.[200]

The story of Dracula has been the basis for numerous adaptations. Stoker's first theatrical adaptation (Dracula, or The Undead); was read once at the Lyceum Theatre. The manuscript was believed lost,[201] but the British Library possess extracts of the novel's galley proof containing Stoker's handwritten stage directions and dialogue attribution.[61]

Adaptations were produced during Stoker's lifetime. A Swedish newspaper serialised one from June 1899 to February 1900 as Mörkrets Makter ("Powers of Darkness"). This version is almost twice as long as Stoker's novel, containing elements included in Stoker's notes but not in the published novel. The adaptation contains an author's preface signed "B. S", which Eighteen-Bisang and Miller conclude was not written by Stoker. Although believed lost, the Swedish adaptation was rediscovered and published in 2017.[202] In 1901, Valdimar Ásmundsson translated a heavily abridged version of the Swedish adaptation into Icelandic under the title Makt Myrkranna ("Powers of Darkness"). The adaptation included an abridged author's preface, purportedly by Stoker.[203] Scholars knew the Icelandic version had existed since the 1980s because of Stoker's preface. When the Swedish translation was rediscovered, scholars learned that the Icelandic version had been translated from it rather than Stoker's Dracula.[202]

The first film to feature Count Dracula was a Hungarian silent film—Károly Lajthay's Drakula halála (transl. The Death of Dracula). The film allegedly premiered in 1921 but this release date has been questioned by some scholars.[204] Very little of the film survives, and David J. Skal notes that the cover artist for the 1926 Hungarian edition of the novel was more influenced by the second adaptation of Dracula, F. W. Murnau's Nosferatu (1922).[205] Critic Wayne E. Hensley writes that the narrative of Nosferatu differs significantly from the novel, but that characters have clear counterparts.[206] Bram Stoker's widow, Florence, initiated legal action against Prana, the studio behind Nosferatu.[207] The legal case lasted two or three years,[w] with Prana agreeing to destroy all copies in May 1924.[209][x]

Man with bloodshot eyes and a wide-mouthed and bloody smile, showing exposed fangs
Christopher Lee as the title character in Dracula (1958)

Visual representations of the Count have changed significantly over time. Early treatments of Dracula's appearance were established by theatrical productions in London and New York. Later prominent portrayals of the character by Béla Lugosi (in a 1931 adaptation) and Christopher Lee (firstly in the 1958 film and later its sequels) built upon earlier versions. Chiefly, Dracula's early visual style involved a black-red colour scheme and slicked back hair.[198] Lee's portrayal was overtly sexual, and also popularised fangs on screen.[210] Gary Oldman's portrayal in Bram Stoker's Dracula (1992), directed by Francis Ford Coppola and costumed by Eiko Ishioka,[211] established a new default look for the character—a Romanian accent and long hair.[198] The assortment of adaptations feature many different dispositions and characteristics of the Count.[212]

Influence

Graffiti image of Dracula, with large fangs, spray-painted onto a shutter
2019 graffiti of Dracula, the archetypal vampire

Dracula is one of the most famous and influential works of English literature.[213] It was not the first novel to depict vampires,[214] but dominates both popular and scholarly treatments of vampire fiction.[71] Count Dracula is the first character to come to mind when people discuss vampires.[215] Dracula succeeded by drawing together folklore, legend, vampire fiction and the conventions of the Gothic novel.[214] Wendy Doniger described the novel as vampire literature's "centrepiece, rendering all other vampires BS [Before Stoker] or AS [After Stoker]".[216]

It profoundly shaped the popular understanding of how vampires function, including their strengths, weaknesses, and other characteristics.[217] Bats had been associated with vampires before Dracula as a result of the vampire bat's existence—for example, Varney the Vampire (1847) included an image of a bat on its cover illustration—but Stoker deepened the association by making Dracula able to transform into one. That was, in turn, quickly taken up by film studios looking for opportunities to use special effects.[218] Patrick McGrath notes that many of the Count's characteristics have been adopted by artists succeeding Stoker in depicting vampires, turning those fixtures into clichés. Aside from the Count's ability to transform, McGrath specifically highlights his hatred of garlic, sunlight, and crucifixes.[219] William Hughes writes critically of the Count's cultural omnipresence, noting that the character of Dracula has "seriously inhibited" discussions of the undead in Gothic fiction.[220]

Count Dracula's cultural omnipresence is widely reported to have negatively impact academic analyses of the undead. He is "the reference point" to which all other vampires are compared.[221] In the 1930s, Universal Studios initiated development on a Dracula film and it was revealed that Stoker failed to comply with United States copyright law. This prematurely placed the novel into the public domain in the United States.[222][y] Stoker's error may have contributed to the novel's enduring status because writers and producers did not need to pay a licence fee to use the character.[223]

Notes and references

Notes

  1. ^ Hopkins writes: "Stoker's association with the Lyceum gave him an entrée to the very highest levels of society. The people he knew ranged from crowned heads and American presidents to writers, including Hall Caine...Mark Twain, Conan Doyle...and Tennyson…" [2]
  2. ^ Sensation fiction is a genre characterised by the depiction of scandalous events—for example murder, theft, forgery, or adultery—within domestic settings.[5]
  3. ^ Although published in 1898, Miss Betty was written in 1890.[8]
  4. ^ Dracula is, in fact, dedicated to Caine: "To my dear friend Hommy Beg".[9]
  5. ^ Jarlath Killeen disparages an "endlessly repeated" and "extremely unlikely" claim that Dracula's name was inspired by droch fhola, an Irish phrase meaning "bad blood".[18]
  6. ^ Warren replicates an argument by Barbara Belford, writing that Irving was "a self-absorbed and profoundly manipulative man" who "[cultivated] rivalries between his followers", and made Stoker jealous by turning "his gaze to other men, as he did by 1885".[29]
  7. ^ There is a reference to Vámbéry in the novel, an "Arminius, of Buda-Pesh University", who is familiar with the historical Vlad III and is a friend of Abraham Van Helsing.[32]
  8. ^ Miller presented this article at the second Transylvanian Society of Dracula Symposium,[35] but it has been reproduced elsewhere; for example, in the Dictionary of Literary Biography in 2005.[36]
  9. ^ Recent scholarship has questioned whether Bathory's crimes were exaggerated by her political opponents,[38] with others noting that very little is concretely known about her life.[39]
  10. ^ In 2000, Miller's book-length study, Dracula: Sense and Nonsense, was said by academic Noel Chevalier to correct "not only leading Dracula scholars, but non-specialists and popular film and television documentaries".[42]
  11. ^ Other critics have concurred with Miller. Mathias Clasen describes her as "a tireless debunker of academic Dracula myths".[43] In response to several lines of query as to the historical origin of Dracula, Benjamin H. Leblanc reproduces her arguments in his critical history on the novel.[35]
  12. ^ The notes were sold by Bram Stoker's widow, Florence, in 1913, to a New York book dealer for £2. 2s, (equivalent to UK£208 in 2019). Following that, the notes became the property of Charles Scribner's Sons, and then disappeared until they were bought by the Rosenbach Museum and Library in Philadelphia in 1970.[45]
  13. ^ In their annotated version of Stoker's notes, Eighteen-Bisang and Miller dedicated an appendix to what the novel might have looked like had Stoker adhered to his original concept.[57]
  14. ^ This was necessary under the Stage Licensing Act of 1897.[61]
  15. ^ The Daily News said it was "published to-day" in an article published May 27.[65].
  16. ^ Browning identified only three as "wholly or mostly negative"; four as "mixed" in their assessment; ten as "generally positive"; and the rest as positive and possessing no negative reservations. Among the positive reviews, Browning writes that 36 were unreserved in their praise, including publications like The Daily Mail, The Daily Telegraph, and Lloyd's Weekly Newspaper.[100]
  17. ^ This footnote provides the page number for the 1994 edition; In Search of Dracula was first published in 1972.
  18. ^ The full text of all contemporary reviews listed in the bibliography's "contemporary critical reviews" can be found, faithfully reproduced, in John Edgar Browning's Bram Stoker's Dracula: The Critical Feast (2012).[100]
  19. ^ While some write that Stoker started writing the novel after Wilde's imprisonment for homosexuality in 1895,[135] Stoker had been writing Dracula from as early as 1890.[48]
  20. ^ Allison Case writes that Lucy is "ambiguously linked" to the concept through her "sexual assertiveness", while Mina is connected to the idea through her professional occupation and skills.[145]
  21. ^ For further reading on the last point, Zygmunt Bauman writes that the perceived "eternal homelessness" of the Jewish people has contributed to discrimination against them.[158]
  22. ^ Stoker's grand-nephew provided Bram's death certificate to his general practitioner, who said the cause of death and medical language used was consistent with syphilis.[194] This theory has been contested by both critics and other relatives of Stoker.[195]
  23. ^ Some sources say the legal battle lasted only two,[205] while others give the number as three.[208][209]
  24. ^ Some sources say that "all prints were ordered destroyed".[208]
  25. ^ Stoker was required to purchase the copyright and register two copies, but only registered one.[68]

References

  1. ^ Hopkins 2007, pp. 4, 51.
  2. ^ Hopkins 2007, p. 51.
  3. ^ Eighteen-Bisang & Miller 2008, p. 301.
  4. ^ a b Belford 2002, p. 269.
  5. ^ Rubery 2011.
  6. ^ Hopkins 2007, p. 1.
  7. ^ Belford & 2002, p. 363.
  8. ^ Belford 2002, p. 277.
  9. ^ Miller 2005, pp. 33–34.
  10. ^ Caine 1912, p. 16.
  11. ^ Miller 2005a, p. 11.
  12. ^ Miller 2005a, pp. 44–45.
  13. ^ Miller 2005a, pp. 45–46.
  14. ^ Miller 2005a, p. 45.
  15. ^ a b Skal 2016, p. 312.
  16. ^ a b Curran 2000, pp. 13–14.
  17. ^ Killeen 2023, p. 177.
  18. ^ a b Killeen 2023, p. 178.
  19. ^ Miller 2006, p. 30.
  20. ^ Miller 2005, p. 21.
  21. ^ Milbank 1998, p. 15.
  22. ^ Seed 1985, p. 62.
  23. ^ Miller 2005, p. 36.
  24. ^ Giesen 2019, p. 39.
  25. ^ Hughes 2009, p. 38.
  26. ^ Warren 2002, pp. 1132–1133.
  27. ^ Miller 2006, pp. 50–51.
  28. ^ Warren 2002, p. 1133.
  29. ^ Warren 2002, p. 1131.
  30. ^ Miller 2006, pp. 90–91.
  31. ^ Dearden 2014.
  32. ^ a b Leblanc 1997, p. 360.
  33. ^ McNally & Florescu 1994, p. 150.
  34. ^ Miller 1996, p. 2.
  35. ^ a b Leblanc 1997, p. 362.
  36. ^ Miller 2005.
  37. ^ Fitts 1998, p. 34.
  38. ^ Kord 2009, p. 60.
  39. ^ Stephanou 2014, p. 90.
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  41. ^ Eighteen-Bisang & Miller 2008, p. 131.
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  43. ^ a b Clasen 2012, p. 379.
  44. ^ Bierman 1998, p. 152.
  45. ^ Barsanti 2008, p. 1.
  46. ^ Stoker 2019, pp. 16, 282–286.
  47. ^ a b Frayling & Miller 2005, p. 170.
  48. ^ a b c Bierman 1977, p. 40.
  49. ^ Frayling & Miller 2005, pp. 176–177.
  50. ^ Stoker 2019, pp. 16, 252.
  51. ^ Hopkins 2007, pp. 4–6.
  52. ^ Stoker 2019, p. 15.
  53. ^ Eighteen-Bisang & Miller 2008, p. 15.
  54. ^ Eighteen-Bisang & Miller 2008, p. 4.
  55. ^ Eighteen-Bisang & Miller 2008, p. 245.
  56. ^ Eighteen-Bisang & Miller 2008, p. 318.
  57. ^ Eighteen-Bisang & Miller 2008, p. 320.
  58. ^ Belford 2002, p. 241.
  59. ^ Stoker 2019, p. 191.
  60. ^ Miller 2005, p. 245.
  61. ^ a b Buzwell 2014.
  62. ^ Miller 2005, pp. 72–73.
  63. ^ a b c Davison 1997, p. 19.
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  65. ^ Miller 2005, p. 256.
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  68. ^ a b Belford 2002, p. 272.
  69. ^ Miller 2005, p. 268.
  70. ^ Miller 2005, p. 280.
  71. ^ a b Davison 1997, p. 21.
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  73. ^ Miller 2005, p. 226.
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  76. ^ Seed 1985, p. 61.
  77. ^ a b Miller 2005a, p. 38.
  78. ^ Seed 1985, p. 64.
  79. ^ Seed 1985, p. 69.
  80. ^ Seed 1985, pp. 68–69.
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  82. ^ Moretti 1982, p. 77.
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  84. ^ Seed 1985, p. 70.
  85. ^ Agarwal 2024, pp. 136, 139.
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  93. ^ Hogle 2002, p. 12.
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  95. ^ Arata 1990, p. 621.
  96. ^ a b The Daily Telegraph 1897.
  97. ^ Miller 2001, p. 137.
  98. ^ Browning 2012, Introduction: The Myth of Dracula's Reception: "That the sample of reviews relied upon by previous studies [...] is scant at best has unfortunately resulted in the common misconception about the novel's early critical reception being 'mixed'".
  99. ^ Browning 2012, Introduction: The Myth of Dracula's Reception: "Rather, while the novel did receive, on the one hand, a few reviews that were mixed, it enjoyed predominantly a critically strong early print life. Dracula was, by all accounts, a critically-acclaimed novel."
  100. ^ a b Browning 2012, Introduction: The Myth of Dracula's Reception.
  101. ^ McNally & Florescu 1994, p. 162.
  102. ^ Ronay 1972, p. 53.
  103. ^ Masters 1972, p. 208.
  104. ^ Andriescu Garcia 2018, p. 53.
  105. ^ Review of PLTA, "Recent Novels" 1897; Lloyd's 1897, p. 80; The Academy 1897, p. 98; The Glasgow Herald 1897, p. 10.
  106. ^ The Bookseller 1897, p. 816.
  107. ^ Saturday Review 1897, p. 21.
  108. ^ The Daily Mail 1897, p. 3.
  109. ^ Publisher's Circular 1897, p. 131.
  110. ^ Browning 2012, Introduction: The Myth of Dracula's Reception: "Dracula's writing was seen by early reviewers and responders to parallel, if not supersede the Gothic horror works of such canonical writers as Mary Shelley, Ann Radcliffe, and Edgar Allan Poe."
  111. ^ Miller 2005, p. 267.
  112. ^ The Advertiser 1898, p. 8.
  113. ^ Of Literature, Science, and Art 1897, p. 11.
  114. ^ a b Vanity Fair (UK) 1897, p. 80.
  115. ^ TMG 1897.
  116. ^ Land of Sunshine 1899, p. 261; The Advertiser 1898, p. 8; New-York Tribune 1899, p. 13.
  117. ^ San Francisco Wave 1899, p. 5.
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  120. ^ Spencer 1992, p. 197.
  121. ^ Craft 1984, p. 107.
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  126. ^ Nystrom 2009, p. 64.
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Bibliography

Books

Journal and newspaper articles

Contemporary critical reviews

Websites

Further reading

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